C-Value: both R and T

WH-questions usually by WH-fronting in a focus-type construction. Occasionally, WH-questions can be additionally introduced by the sentence-initial tag wala normally used in polar questions. R focusing in a dative construction is illustrated in (306f), where R is extracted together with a dative postposition as is usual in the PP-focus construction. p. 285. R can be questioned in a regular way from both dative construction (see (425a) and DOC (425b). As usual, in the former case dative postposition will be extracted together with R, in the latter R will be resumed by a resumptive pronoun. T can be normally questioned only from the dative construction (426a), questioning from the postverbal position in a Double Object construction is marginal (426b) is questionable. p. 286. SHOW has the same syntax as GIVE. An example of T questioning from a dative construction is (427a).

Contribution:
Ditransitive constructions
Language:
Koyraboro Senni Songhai
Construction:
Dative Postpositional Construction
C-Parameter:
Constituent questions
Source:
Heath 1999: 228 f

Examples

Example 10-1019:
wala [mey še] n bana?
wala
Q
[mey
[who
še]
DAT]
n
2SG.SBJ
bana?
pay
To whom did you pay (the fare)?

Source: Heath 1999: 229

Example 10-1020:
[mey še] a nai noo?
[mey
[who
še]
DAT]
a
3SG.SBJ
nai
TR:3PL.OBJ
noo?
give
To whom did she give them?

Source: Heath 1999: 285

Example 10-1021:
čin noa n-a noo mane?
čin
what
noa
FOC:3SG.SBJ
n-a
TR-3SG.OBJ
noo
give
mane?
2SG.DAT
What did he give you?

Source: Heath 1999: 285

Example 10-1023:
čin no a n-a čebe mane?
čin
what
no
FOC
a
3SG.SUBJ
n-a
TR-3SG.OBJ
čebe
show
mane?
2SG.DAT
What [focus] did he show you?

Source: Heath 1999: 286